Migrant workers, climate, and constraint

Behind the scenes of Saudi Arabia’s labour engine

 

How climate risks and labour conditions shape (im)mobility for migrant workers in the Gulf’s largest labour market 

 

As Saudi Arabia accelerates infrastructure projects under its Vision 2030 strategy and gears up to host the FIFA World Cup in 2034, migrant

workers are once again at the heart of the country’s transformation. Numbering nearly 16 million and comprising the majority of the private sector workforce, these workers are not just participants in the Kingdom’s economic vision; they are often considered its engine. 

Yet for many, life in Saudi Arabia is defined by a stark contradiction: while their labour sustains the country’s most critical sectors, they remain locked into cycles of debt, exposure, and limited rights. 

A new research report from the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC) takes a unique, field-based look into the lives of migrant workers engaged in low-wage, often labour-intensive jobs in Saudi Arabia, examining how climate stressors intersect with labour conditions, migration trajectories, and future aspirations. Based on in-depth interviews, surveys, and focus group discussions with migrants in Saudi Arabia from East Africa, North Africa, South Asia, and East Asia, and supplemented with expert interviews, the study explores how individuals navigate the complex realities of working in one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable and structurally unequal labour markets. 

A closer look at the research 

The study draws on 231 surveys, 9 in-depth interviews, 4 focus group discussions, and 3 key informant interviews conducted between January and March 2025 in Riyadh and Jeddah, two of Saudi Arabia’s largest migrant hubs. Participants worked primarily in climate-sensitive sectors such as construction, waste management, and transport, jobs often performed outdoors and under harsh conditions. All selected respondents had lived in the country for at least one year, ensuring meaningful exposure to local environmental and working conditions. 

The research focused not only on climate impacts but also on the broader landscape of risk shaping migrant workers’ experiences: from recruitment practices and labour rights to remittances, access to services, and (im)mobility intentions. 

Key findings: a web of risk and resilience 

1. Migration decisions shaped by debt and necessity 

For many of the migrant workers surveyed, migration to Saudi Arabia did not feel as though it were a choice; it was a financial lifeline. Respondents from all regions of origin overwhelmingly pointed to economic hardship, unemployment, and income insecurity as the driving forces behind their decision to leave home. This was especially acute among East African and North African workers, who described bleak job prospects and persistent instability in their countries of origin. 

But the journey itself came at a steep cost… 

Over 60% of respondents reported going into debt to finance their migration, with costs often reaching several thousand US dollars. These debts weren’t just personal; some described them as shared burdens across entire households, with families selling property, mortgaging homes, or borrowing from informal lenders to fund the journey. For many, the pressure to repay began before the first paycheque was earned and continued long after arrival, compounded by wage deductions and inconsistent income. 

What emerges is a pattern of compounding pressure: economic hardship drives migration, which is financed through debt, which in turn reinforces dependence on precarious work. The result is a cycle where the initial reasons for leaving home are often reproduced, or even intensified, in the country of destination. 

2. The cost of remittances and responsibility 

Once in Saudi Arabia, the weight of obligation doesn’t ease; it multiplies. Nearly every migrant worker surveyed reported regularly sending remittances back home, underscoring how migration is often less about personal advancement than about keeping families afloat. 

These remittances are not discretionary. They’re survival. 

Among remitters, three-quarters said their families were fully dependent on the money they sent, often to cover basic needs like food, housing, education, and healthcare. For many, it was not just expected but essential. Many respondents described themselves as sole providers, sometimes supporting not only immediate family but entire extended households. The financial strain is often further intensified by the rising cost of living, both in Saudi Arabia and in countries of origin. 

The emotional toll of this responsibility is hard to quantify. While some expressed pride in being able to support their loved ones, others described anxiety, guilt, and exhaustion. With few able to save or plan beyond the next transfer, the remittance system, while vital, also traps workers in cycles of sacrifice. 

Even modest salaries were stretched thin, especially for those still paying off recruitment debt. As one South Asian respondent explained, “Even the rent… we have to give the rent here as well as have to send the amount of rent in India.” 

Remittances are often framed as development tools, but in this context, they are a double bind, a critical source of resilience for families back home, and a source of financial fragility for the workers sustaining them. 

3. Heat, dust, and minimal protection 

Saudi Arabia’s climate is punishing, and it’s getting worse. Temperatures routinely soar above 50°C, and dust storms are a frequent reality. For most residents, these conditions are uncomfortable. For migrant workers in outdoor jobs, they’re dangerous. 

Nearly every respondent in the study had experienced extreme heat while working, and one in three reported exposure to sand or dust storms. Many described symptoms, ranging from dizziness and fainting to skin conditions and chronic illness. And while these risks were widespread, protections were not. 

Employers are legally required to provide basic safeguards like adjusting working hours, but enforcement is inconsistent. One in three South Asian workers said their employer took no steps at all to mitigate heat exposure. In many cases, workers had to rely on their own coping strategies: drinking more water, altering routines, or simply pushing through. 

Dust storms were no different. While some respondents received protective masks or schedule adjustments, many faced them unassisted. And when illness occurred, health insurance, though technically provided to most workers, was often limited or inaccessible, especially for those in isolated areas or under subcontracting arrangements. 

Even more concerning was the near-total absence of external assistance. The vast majority of respondents reported receiving no help from NGOs, government services, or community groups when facing climate-related stress. One participant put it bluntly: “There is no government-level community or organisation that will support [us] for a single day.” 

In the world’s hottest labour market, migrant workers are left to face rising climate extremes with little more than resilience and routine, while the protections meant to shield them often fail to reach them at all. 

4. Daily work, daily uncertainty 

For many migrant workers in Saudi Arabia, the job itself is a gamble, and one that often begins before departure. The vast majority of respondents found employment through informal brokers or private agencies, and many were given misleading or incomplete information about the work they would be doing. Salary discrepancies, hidden fees, and contract substitution were recurring themes. 

Once in the country, work arrangements were often precarious. East African and North African respondents, in particular, reported being hired on a day-to-day basis, a modality that offers little income stability or legal protection. Others described erratic schedules, unpaid overtime, or unclear expectations from supervisors. Only a fraction had the option to change employers, and nearly 90% said they could not leave the country without their employer’s consent, a stark reminder that Kafala-linked constraints remain deeply entrenched despite recent reforms. 

Workplace abuse, while not universal, was far from rare. More than a quarter of South Asian respondents said they had experienced verbal harassment, threats, or exploitative practices. Focus group participants also described situations in which complaints were either ignored or met with retaliation, creating an environment where speaking out often felt riskier than staying silent. 

Even for those who held valid documents and appeared to work for compliant employers, uncertainty lingered. Some lived in isolated labour compounds, far from city centres and basic services. Others worried that a single dispute or policy change could jeopardise their entire status. 

Despite the central role migrant labour plays in Saudi Arabia’s development model, these workers often remain on the margins, navigating jobs that are essential to the economy, but structured in ways that keep them exposed, expendable, and voiceless. 

5. Climate rarely cited, but always present 

While climate risks were a consistent feature of respondents’ experiences, their role in shaping mobility decisions was often indirect and uneven, emerging more clearly in lived realities than in stated reasons for movement. 

In countries of origin, especially across South and East Asia, many respondents recalled recent experiences with flooding, storms, or temperature extremes. These events reportedly disrupted livelihoods, damaged homes, and made it harder to access basic services, prompting some to seek work abroad. Still, few framed climate as the primary reason for migrating. Instead, it was one pressure point among many: failed crops, rising expenses, and ongoing economic instability. 

In Saudi Arabia, the pattern continued. Nearly all respondents reported exposure to extreme heat, and many faced frequent sand or dust storms. Yet only a handful cited climate-related factors when discussing future mobility intentions. Instead, the most common reasons for wanting to leave were job loss, health problems, or employer abuse, even though climate stress may well be contributing to those very outcomes. 

This disconnect highlights how climate risks are often absorbed into the broader structure of vulnerability that shapes migrant workers’ lives in Saudi Arabia. Heat may not be named as a decisive factor in mobility decisions, but it quietly affects their bodies, their earnings, and their choices all the same. 

Understanding this indirect influence is key. Policy responses, in both countries of origin and destination, must go beyond reacting to isolated climate shocks. They need to account for how sustained environmental stress intersects with economic hardship, precarious labour systems, and limited protections to shape the lived experiences and (im)mobility of migrant workers. 

6. Many want to stay, but not all can move 

On the surface, most migrant workers surveyed seemed settled. Nearly three-quarters said they had no plans to leave Saudi Arabia, and many expressed a desire to remain, at least in the short term, to continue earning and supporting their families. But beneath that stability lies a more complex picture of constrained mobility and limited choice. 

Among the minority who did express an intention to return home or move onward, very few had the financial or legal capacity to act. Most lacked the resources to pay for travel, faced unresolved debt, or were unable to leave without their employer’s permission. In many cases, those who wanted to move simply couldn’t. 

The study found that respondents in more precarious situations, i.e. those with unstable jobs, fewer rights, or mounting financial obligations, were more likely to feel immobile. Some described feeling stuck, unable to return due to the shame of unmet expectations, or too uncertain about opportunities elsewhere to risk leaving. 

And yet, many still viewed their migration as at least partially worthwhile. Even when financial goals weren’t fully met, respondents often said they would choose to come again – a testament to the lack of viable alternatives in their countries of origin, and the sense of relative improvement migration had offered, even under difficult conditions. 

Looking ahead: what’s at stake 

Saudi Arabia is on the cusp of transformation. With the 2034 FIFA World Cup on the horizon and billions invested in Vision 2030 mega-projects, the country is poised to take centre stage. Migrant workers will again be central to this story – building the stadiums, maintaining the infrastructure, and powering the services that make it all possible. 

But without a meaningful shift in how their rights are protected, history may repeat itself. 

The lessons from this research are clear: structural vulnerability begins before departure, continues through opaque recruitment systems, and is compounded by debt, climate exposure, and rigid labour arrangements. While reforms have been introduced, most workers still report limited freedom to change jobs, leave the country, or access basic protections when things go wrong, pointing to persistent gaps not only in policy but in implementation. 

Climate change adds a new layer of urgency. In the hottest corners of the labour market, extreme heat is not just a discomfort; it’s a health risk, a productivity issue, and, increasingly, a source of long-term harm. Yet few workers receive adequate protections, and fewer still receive outside support. 

The coming years will test Saudi Arabia’s ability, and willingness, to match its global ambitions with credible rights protections. If the Kingdom hopes to avoid repeating the acute labour rights violations that marked Qatar’s World Cup preparations, including thousands of migrant deaths and widespread exploitation, it must go beyond partial reforms. It must confront the full spectrum of vulnerability facing the very workers it depends on. 

Because ultimately, the question is not whether migrant workers will show up. They always do. The question is: will anyone show up for them? 

Explore the full report: Exploring the climate labour–mobility nexus for migrant workers in Saudi Arabia 

This research project is part of a broader regional initiative examining the climate–mobility nexus in diverse contexts across the Middle East, including four case studies in Iraq (Al-Qadissiyah), Syria (Al-Hasakeh), and Yemen (Aden and Al Maharah). Outputs from the four case studies can be accessed here: Climate and mobility in the Middle East – Case studies 

Learn more about our climate and mobility research.