Essay

London, summer, 2025. As support for migration policies associated with the far right became more normalised, the resistance to it became more targeted. In London, UK, people were alarmed at the rapid rise of the Reform Party.

As migration has become more securitised in recent years and abuses such as pushbacks are increasingly normalised, the basic needs and security of the most vulnerable have become a low priority. However, the granting of refugee status in France to a Palestinian mother and her son, who had escaped the violence in Gaza, offers an important affirmation of the principles of protection under international law. According to the court, the grounds for the decision were on the basis of the persecution they would face on account of their “nationality” as stateless Palestinians. The move was ground-breaking in that it set a precedent for other Palestinians outside the UN’s mandate to access asylum as well: until then, only Palestinians who fell within the jurisdiction of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) were potentially eligible for refugee status in France Though the case itself represented an isolated victory in a context where the large majority of the Gazan population are unable to access any form of humanitarian protection, it was the first time a French court recognised the collective “persecution” of Palestinians on the basis on their nationality. Amnesty International described it as, “A historic decision for Palestinian rights … a major precedent, paving the way for recognition of refugee status in France for all Gazans fleeing persecution by the Israeli occupation forces”

In a context increasingly characterised by mass forced returns, the protection needs of large numbers of returnees are becoming an urgent humanitarian issue. In Mexico, in anticipation of the United States administration’s mass deportation drive, the government launched “México te abraza” (“Mexico embraces you”) to support the return of deported Mexican nationals Among other elements, this wide-ranging programme includes the construction of care centres near the border to help Mexican returnees access welfare and employment, as well as the distribution of a Bienestar Paisano Card that will provide them with initial funds (around USD 100) to support arrivals with immediate living expenses and also enable them to enrol for medical care and other benefits. While many returnees may have more complex needs which will extend beyond this immediate provision, such as counselling for trauma, the programme nevertheless offers a positive example of reintegration and assistance that is all too often lacking.

Even countries associated with hardline immigration policies may see positive initiatives to promote protection. Italy, for instance, signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Community of Sant’Egidio, in April 2025, to settle around 700 Afghans in the country through humanitarian pathways followed, in June, by another MoU with UNHCR and partner NGOs to establish labour migration corridors for refugees living in Colombia, Egypt, Jordan and Uganda to be employed in various sectors including shipbuilding, IT and goldsmithing. Local governments can also play an important role in implementing programmes, with municipalities and regions such as Genoa and Puglia developing labour protocols, social integration hubs and safe accommodation to prevent migrants from being exploited by gangmasters. However, many of the most innovative initiatives are the result of the efforts of other actors – such as charities, community organisations and faith groups – to support inclusion. In Naples, for instance, the first facility in southern Italy to host LGBTQI+ migrants was established at the beginning of 2025 and is being managed by the association Arci Mediterraneo.

Against a backdrop of massive reductions in international aid, the role of mutual aid initiatives has taken on an even greater importance for vulnerable migrant populations. In Sudan, for example, established support networks have been crucial in helping fill some of the large gaps left by the withdrawal of humanitarian assistance. Informal but highly effective initiatives such as Emergency Response Rooms – nominated for the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize – continue to play a vital role in the face of funding shortages and chronic insecurity, adapting to the shifting dynamics of displacement and return in the country.

After years of preparation, in March 2025, Kenya launched a new era for its sizeable refugee population. Its strategy, known as the Shirika Plan, will see the country move away from the large camps, such as Dadaab and Kakuma, that have dominated the lives of more than 740,000 refugees and asylum seekers in the country. In partnership with UNHCR and a range of other international agencies and NGOs, the government will formally transition these camps into functioning settlements with improved access to services and livelihood opportunities. Crucially, these will serve as fully integrated municipalities that connect rather than separate displaced and host communities, bringing benefits to both groups.

The Shirika Plan is not without its controversies, particularly amidst local concerns that the rollout could place even greater pressure on limited resources. Furthermore, while host communities are keen to see investments in services and infrastructure prioritised, some refugees are disappointed that the reforms did not go further: while opening up freedom of movement within the municipalities, they will not be permitted, under the current terms of the plan, to move elsewhere in Kenya. Nevertheless, especially in light of dwindling humanitarian assistance, this approach could ultimately offer a much-needed alternative to the segregation and aid dependency of the camps. Besides providing refugees with greater autonomy and wellbeing, this model is also far less costly to operate. In the words of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, “Shirika recognizes that solutions, which shift away from refugee dependency on humanitarian aid towards greater self-reliance, are possible. UNHCR is committed to supporting the government of Kenya to now turn this innovative plan into a reality.”

A key source of vulnerability for many migrants is their lack of legal status, a situation that can exclude them from education, health care and employment, while also leaving them at risk of arrest and deportation. Full regularisation, providing migrants with the right to live and work legally in the country, can bring many benefits to both them and their host communities by providing a secure and formalised workforce. In this regard, Thailand’s announcement, in August 2025, that it would allow an estimated 81,000 long-term displaced from Myanmar living in camps near the border to legally work could prove transformative: for decades, they have been stranded without opportunities and dependent on aid. UNHCR celebrated the move as “a turning point” by stating, “with this policy shift, Thailand transforms hosting refugees into an engine of growth – for refugees, for host communities and for the nation as a whole.” Elsewhere in Asia, again bringing together refugee protection and labour migration, UNHCR and IOM have announced a new “train-to-hire” programme that will seek to match the skills of displaced individuals in the region with international employment opportunities.

While much of Europe appears preoccupied with increasing deportations of irregular migrants, Spain has chosen a very different path with an ambitious regularisation programme. Announced in November 2024 and formally launched in May 2025, the scheme envisions the regularisation of 300,000 undocumented migrants annually for the next three years – a total of 900,000 people already in the country who will be able to live and work there legally as a result. In addition to simplifying procedures and strengthening the rights of seasonal workers, the new regulations also allow rejected asylum seekers to access temporary regularisation by applying for residency on other grounds. The benefits of Spain’s relatively open approach to labour migration is discussed in the box below (for more in-depth analysis, see Thematic snapshot Migration and economic growth: Spain’s divergent path in an increasingly right-wing and anti-migration EU).

In Italy, though the policy context is very different from that in Spain, a number of projects have been recently launched which seek to support economic and social integration for migrants in various ways. These programmes, besides benefitting from significant public support highlight the contribution that non-governmental actors can make to greater inclusion. Though often small-scale, the impacts of these initiatives can be considerable and range from a training programme for migrants in Palermo, supported by the municipality and corporate sponsors to a labour migration pathway for refugees to enter the IT sector, part of a collaboration between UNHCR, companies and private foundations. Other recent initiatives include the launch of the Piuscuola (“More school”) programme in Rome, in April 2025, for the duration of the summer: funded by the regional government, it aims to support the integration of migrant children into schools, with a particular focus on unaccompanied minors.

Globally, the role of the judiciary in countering the implementation of extreme asylum and immigration policies has never been more important. This is generally not, as some politicians have characterised it, a case of courts imposing their own “ideological views” on migration policy but rather their protection of legal and constitutional norms. In the US, for instance, many of the policies imposed by the current administration have either been in violation of existing laws or sought to circumvent them by exploiting loopholes. Among other policies, federal judges have determined that the government’s freezing of refugee resettlement, suspension of asylum and revocation of humanitarian parole were all illegal or discriminatory, and provided opportunities for citizens and organisations to challenge measures such as the proposed annulment of birthright citizenship.

While the administration has been able to circumvent or dilute the effects of these decisions in many cases, sometimes through appeals to the Supreme Court – the majority of whom are Trump appointees – their work has nevertheless served to highlight the rights of migrants and at least delayed some of the impacts (for instance, postponing the termination of temporary protection status for Haitians in the country from September 2025 until February 2026). The July 2025 blocking of the government’s suspension of asylum at the border as “unlawful” is illustrative, in that the ruling was partly undone by a decision, the following month, by a panel of federal judges which determined that the administration could continue to withhold asylum to some asylum seekers at the border. However, the panel upheld some of the ruling in deeming that the administration was still obliged to observe “withholding of removal” and protection (a status with a higher legal threshold than asylum) for those fleeing torture or persecution. Other policies, such as deportation agreements, have also been challenged in these countries. In Eswatini, for instance, activists and NGOs launched a legal challenge in August against the government for agreeing to the deportation from the US of five men without due process.

Similar challenges have played out in courts across Europe, in relation to government policies on asylum and immigration, with Italy at the centre of these debates. Though various rulings have upheld or acknowledged migrant rights, including a July 2025 judgement in a Bologna court that found the exclusion of foreign workers from public housing was discriminatory the most impactful area has been in relation to Italy’s proposal to hold asylum seekers in offshore facilities in Albania while their claims were fast-tracked. The controversy hinged on the programme’s designation of selected ‘safe countries’ such as Bangladesh or Egypt that migrants could be returned to, with courts ruling repeatedly against the classification both in Italy and in the European Court of Justice.

Even cases that uphold existing migration policies can serve to bring greater clarity to how and when these should be applied. In July 2025, for instance, Italy’s Constitutional Court dismissed an appeal against legislation authorising the detention of search and rescue ships. Though the verdict upheld the government’s ability to impound these vessels, humanitarian workers and rights groups, nevertheless, welcomed some of the principles highlighted in the ruling. In particular, the court’s statement that any order that would prevent them from the primary obligation of saving lives is illegitimate and can therefore be ignored without legal consequences represents a significant “silver lining” and will help give search and rescue workers a “firmer legal ground” to challenge the detention of their boats.

Elsewhere in Europe, a number of significant legal rulings have helped defend human rights principles and safeguards for migrants and asylum seekers. In Germany, for instance, legal challenges against the country’s extended suspension of refugee resettlement for at-risk Afghans (in some cases, brought by approved Afghan applicants with NGO support) contributed to the government’s resumption of admissions, in August. In Denmark, meanwhile, in June 2025, the Supreme Court ruled against the government’s long-standing practice of prosecuting and imprisoning asylum seekers for using false documentation to enter the country. The judgement affirms that, in line with Article 31 of the 1951 Refugee Convention, the legal prohibition on using false documents does not apply in the case of asylum seekers. Given that a criminal conviction has life-changing implications for even recognised refugees, including barring them from applying for permanent citizenship, the ruling will not only benefit future asylum seekers but also others who have previously received convictions that could now be overturned.

Legal cases are also an important tool to undermine the impunity that enables abuses against migrants to occur. Greece has been responsible for serious rights violations at its borders for years, but has maintained an official policy of denial and obfuscation in the face of extensive evidence. However, in February 2025, the European Court of Human Rights ruled against Greece in a case involving the alleged expulsion of a Turkish woman, concluding that, at the time of the incident, there had been a “systematic” practice of illegal pushbacks – a verdict hailed by the Greek Council for Refugees as “a landmark judgement”. This was followed, in May, by a Greek naval court’s announcement of criminal charges against 17 coastguards for their responsibility in the deadly Pylos Shipwreck two years before, in which at least 596 people died. Despite the government, at the time, claiming that those on board had refused assistance, testimony from the survivors themselves suggested that unacceptable delays and efforts by security forces to tow the boat out of Greek waters contributed to the tragedy. In different ways, both decisions help bring a measure of accountability to Greece for its actions.

The same can be said for a recent lawsuit by the civil society group Kopanang Africa Against Xenophobia (KAAX) in South Africa, which finally began in June 2025 in the High Court of Johannesburg. The case, which has yet to be ruled on, is filed against the anti-migrant group known as Operation Dudula for its targeted campaigns against immigration communities, and was extended to also include the Department of Home Affairs and the South African Police Services for their role in not preventing and even assisting some of its actions. In Colombia, meanwhile, the Constitutional Court ruled against the government in a case involving the forced return of three Cameroonian women in 2024. The judgement found that their removal, without any due process in place, broke international law and recommended that the government enhance its procedures, publish an accessible booklet to raise awareness among migrants about their rights and strengthen legal protections for people in transit.

At a moment when the spread of misinformation is increasingly implicated in anti-migrant protests and violence, the role of accurate and effective reporting is more important than ever. In this spirit, the inauguration of a new migration observatory in Puglia, Italy, is a welcome step to develop a concrete evidence base on contemporary migration trends as a basis to develop productive, inclusive policies that benefit both migrants and local communities. In the words of the regional governor at its opening ceremony, the observatory “is useful [for getting] to know the great opportunities stemming from the desire many people have of living and working in our region. The arrival of new migrant workers is often used to scare people who are in our area and have no job – but we know that the economy doesn’t work in this way.”

Investigative journalism also continues to play a vital role in uncovering abuses against migrants, including systematic and protracted rights violations that might otherwise go unreported. In this regard, the organisation Lighthouse Reports and its various media partners have undertaken extraordinary work in revealing the impact of official policies on vulnerable migrants. In October 2024, they released a report on the “shadowy deportation system” funded by the EU in Türkiye and the numerous Syrians and Afghans who “have been detained, abused, and even killed as a result” The organisation followed this up in September 2025 with a devastating exposé of the deadly collision and capsizing of migrant vessels by French security forces in Mayotte, a practice that has allegedly led to dozens of deaths since 2007 and may soon be replicated in the Channel.

While governments may shrug off even the most shocking revelations with silence or denial, in some cases, the revelations have gathered sufficient momentum to force them to change course as a direct result. One example of this was the announcement, in January 2025, that the EU would be amending the way it made payments to Tunisia as part of its ongoing migration management deal, with firmer conditions in place to ensure human rights and democratic principles are respected. The move appears to have been driven by the publication, in September 2024, by The Guardian newspaper of extensive sexual and physical assaults of migrants at the hands of Tunisian security forces, prompting calls for better safeguards to be put in place.

The organisation Forensic Architecture is another powerful force for accountability at a time when governments, smugglers and vigilantes all too often enjoy impunity for their actions. In addition to a detailed spatial analysis of “humanitarian displacement” and other egregious war crimes carried out by Israel in Gaza, it has reconstructed migrant detention facilities in Libya where serious abuse took place and mapped out historic and contemporary human rights violations at the Greek-Turkish border between 1926 and 2025. The power of these investigations, combining recent incidents and the careful unearthing of historic acts of violence, is to challenge the invisibility of the abuse of migrants and other marginalised groups by recording and bearing witness to them.

At a time when too many governments appear to be capitulating to racism and xenophobia towards migrants, even those previously associated with moderate or inclusive policies, activism is more important than ever. Migrants are often at the forefront of protest movements themselves, with hundreds gathering in Palermo, Italy, to demand residency permits earlier in the year. However, particularly in today’s divisive political context, all citizens have a vital role to play.

In the UK, for instance, while the government largely condemned the anti-migrant demonstrations that spread to a number of cities during the summer of 2025 the most powerful rejoinder came from the thousands of counter-protestors who turned up to anti-migrant gatherings to challenge their hostility. Local communities have been working, too, to support cohesion and integration even as the broader climate across the country has become steadily more inhospitable to refugees and asylum seekers. These efforts have enormous value at a time when even mainstream politicians in the UK are vocalising negative narratives around immigration.

In the US, where the most extreme anti-migrant actions are now originating from the government itself, thousands of demonstrators have taken to the streets to protest against heavily militarised operations by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to round up undocumented migrants (see Thematic snapshot ICE wars: the rising tension between state and federal immigration policies in 2025). Analysis of immigration-related protests in the first months of 2025 found that the overwhelming majority – 97 percent – were supportive of immigrant rights. Activists have also collaborated, among other areas, in sharing information about local raids to warn those potentially at risk of being apprehended and detained. Protestors, including lawmakers, have also appeared at holding facilities to condemn the detention of migrants there. Many of these protests have been notable for encompassing a wide range of groups, from faith groups to labour unions.

Support and assistance can also be expressed through optimistic acts, such as the “solidarity holiday” laid on by the association Community of Sant’Egidio in camps in Cyprus to provide refugees with food and recreational activities. Some of the most effective interventions are those that seek to imagine solutions which benefit both migrants and communities. In Spain, the non-profit organisation Accem established a refugee centre several years ago in an underpopulated rural settlement in response to the increasingly inhospitable environment in many Spanish cities. By 2025, the initiative had not only helped over 1,000 asylum seekers while they waited for their refugee claims to be processed but also provided at least 100 with a long-term home where they have settled permanently, in the process bringing new life to the town.

Peter Grant

Author

Peter Grant is a researcher, writer and editor specialising in migration, urban development, and climate change